That said, the most important thing is the seriousness of the attempts a state makes to develop. However, we postulate that the developmental state need not be conceptualized exactly according to its original formulation since development itself is not static. This view aligns with the idea of a “democratic developmental state” but is apparently inconsistent with Johnson’s original formulation of the developmental state concept. While the state itself sets the policy agenda and coordinates the developmental efforts, it is the citizens themselves who are to generate that development. Our understanding of a development state is based fundamentally on Mkandawire’s definition: a state “whose ideological underpinnings are developmental and one that seriously attempts to deploy its administrative and political resources to the task of economic development.” However, we also propose that the existence of opportunities for citizen participation in the development process is an essential ingredient of a developmental state. We focus on interventions aimed primarily at enhancing the capacity of a state’s nationals to participate in extractive resource development. This article considers development interventions in the extractive resource sector undertaken by three African countries (Kenya, Tanzania and Rwanda) to understand how they fit into the “developmental state” framework originally used to explain the miraculous economic development East Asia experienced after World War II. The capacity to legitimately wield customary capital. Such it fluctuates over time as different actors move in and out of Variety of internal and external actors vie for customary capital. ‘customary capital’ does not automatically accrue to chiefs as a In a wide range of domains of public life in rural eastern Congo.ĭrawing on Pierre Bourdieu, we call this ability to rule through the The institution of traditional chieftaincy with charisma and enableĬustomary chiefs to accumulate resources and exercise authority Through rituals, ceremonies and narratives of origin. That this salience is conditioned by a widespread belief in theĪuthenticity and sacredness of the institution of traditionalĬhieftaincy and by the ethno-territorial imaginary of theĬongolese political order. Traditional chieftaincy has remained politically salient. This period of uncertainty and upheaval, the institution of
Involving a plethora of local, national and regional actors.
Through two decades of political instability and violent conflict Succession dispute in Kalima (South Kivu). This article analyses the production and reproduction of traditionalĬhieftaincy in war-torn eastern DR Congo, through the case of a
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A series of recommendations to highlight the gender approach as a remedy for women victims of sexual violence in the DRC, particularly in South Kivu, is proposed in the conclusion of this document. The efforts undertaken so far by the public authorities have remained ineffective due to the lack of a feminist approach in the search for solutions to the problems of gender-based and sexual violence. The implementation of the convention for all forms of discrimination against women and other instruments of international law with a feminist perspective by the DRC can reverse this catastrophic situation. The number of women victims of sexual violence by security forces in South Kivu is growing higher after units of armed groups have been mixed with national security forces. In this regard, the judicial system is inefficient and promotes impunity. The DRC appears to be a weak state after years of instability due to corruption, economic crisis, insecurity, and the inability of its leaders to engage in in-depth reform of the security forces. This thesis analyzes the dynamics behind such a practice and the mechanism of its perpetuation among members of the security forces. Women have been at the centre of the South Kivu tragedy, characterized by widespread sexual violence committed by state and non-state actors. Since the genocide of the Rwandan Tutsis and the influx of Hutu refugees (fleeing reprisals from Tutsi power) to North and South Kivu, rape has been used as a weapon of war by belligerents.
After more than 20 years of multidimensional conflict, the population of the eastern part of the DRC has experienced atrocities perpetrated by local and foreign armed groups.
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